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Homosexuality Essay, Research Paper

In the earliest old ages of life, long before inquiries about the pick of a spouse for sexual activity can originate, little male childs and misss manifest differences in attitudes, involvements and behavior, and develop a strong feeling of belonging to either the male or female sex. By the clip they reach the age of romantic or titillating fond regards, their ain self-image, and everything they have learned to tie in with maleness and muliebrity, dictates that they should take a spouse of the opposite sex. A little minority of male childs and misss fail to get the attitudes and manners of behavior considered appropriate to members of their sex.

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Both work forces and adult females are apt to homosexualism ; the word has nil to make with masculinity. Homosexuality and Heterosexuality, which literally means the same and other sex, are footings needed to separate between titillating attractive force to one s ain or to the opposite sex. The usage of the word homophile as a label for individuals is equivocal. Few people pass through life without at some phase sing homosexual feelings, even if merely little and fugitive. ( West. 1977. Pg-1 )

The term homophile should be applied with cautiousness. In this paper I will utilize it to depict individuals whose titillating concerns are preponderantly directed towards their ain sex. Among this minority there are many who can obtain no stimulation from the opposite sex, and may besides see repugnance at the thought of heterosexual contact. Bing forced to seek sexual satisfaction entirely with their ain gender. These feelings normally occur long earlier adolescence, and by the clip adolescence has passed, self individuality as a homosexual, is good established. ( West. 1977. Pg-16 )

Though it may be argued that homosexualism was non ever around records show that homosexualism has been around since the beginning of adult male.

Civilizations varied in sentiment when refering the subject of homosexualism. Different civilizations tolerated different types of sexual intercourse. In clip most of these civilizations learned to accept of disapprove of these sexual Acts of the Apostless.

Anthropological records have tended to handle same-sex loving as a phenomenon, concealing mentions to it in a passing comment or a footer. This attitude has bit by bit changed and late, to offer one illustration, a elaborate survey of homosexualism in Papua New Guinea and the Melanesian islands has been published. ( Spencer. 1995. Pg-17 )

Until the reaching of Westerners in the 19th century, it is thought that the lives if these people continued unchanged for 1000s of old ages, so a survey of their rites and imposts, some of which are still practiced today, give us an of import nexus with the yesteryear. The grounds from linguistics and in-migration forms suggests that the folks practising some signifiers of homosexual rite in Melanesia foremost colonized the lands around 10,000 old ages ago.

This survey besides shows that each folk had its corresponding position of the function of adult females in that society. So how the tribe positions adult females indicates the political orientation and character of its homosexual construction. Or how males construct creative activity myths and where they place the female rule dictates the assortment of recognized homosexual behavior.

Each of the folks studied had unusually different rites affecting gender, yet many based their political orientation on the ritualized homosexual insemination of immature male childs. Take the Marind and the Kiman folk. Here every male child past babyhood was taken away from his female parent and the adult females s house to kip with his male parent in the work forces s house. At the first marks of pubescence, his maternal uncle was appointed to perforate the male child anally, therefore feeding him with the sperm which would do him strong. The male childs remained in this stage for about three old ages. ( Spencer. 1995. Pg-17-18 )

Culture is an overpoweringly of import force in finding the different signifiers that homosexual behaviour takes in society. Surveies of other civilizations offer and impressive contrast to the American impression that homophiles are ever scorned, unnatural, moving like the opposite sex, unsafe, likely to molest guiltless kids, and easy distinguishable from normal straight persons.

In Ancient Greece, attitudes toward what we now call homosexualism varied from clip to clip and from topographic point to topographic point. Grecian authors in ancient times wrote as if they considered the pleasances of one sex as opposed to the other to be morally tantamount, and as if a peculiar individual could happen pleasance in one sex one twenty-four hours and another sex the following. In fact, it seemed logical, for them to presume that the most masculine work forces would desire to tie in with and hold sex with other work forces. Sappho, whose celebrated poesy expressed her love for immature adult female, was non considered anything but feminine ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-48 )

In today s society it is a stereotype that tribades are masculine, and that cheery work forces are feminine. Gay civil rights groups frequently point out that most homophiles today do non cross-dress, that many cross-dressers are heterosexual.

In the Arabic civilization of Oman, it is difficult to conceive of an enviornment more hostile toward homosexualism. Islam prescribes the decease punishment for homosexual behavior, and many facets of one s life are wholly determined merely by one s sex. Work forces are non permitted to be in the presence of a adult female for even a minute unless a adult male related to the adult female is present.

Bing reared in ways more suited to a miss, being frightened off sex by puritanical parents, being seduced by older male childs or work forces, being the youngest or oldest or merely boy of a genitive female parent, being segregated from adult females, being shy of ineffective in doing contact with the opposite sex, or being rejected by misss, are merely a few of the infinite grounds put frontward to account for some male childs going homophiles. ( West. 1977. Pg-85 )

Most experts agree that with the layman s position that male homophiles

tend to hold dominating, genitive female parents who, from babyhood, smother their

boies with maternal over-solicitude, maintain them tied to the proverbial apron

strings, and oppress their early efforts to masculine independency.

Irving Bieber noted that really few homosexual patients enjoyed a warm relationship with their male parent. Over four-fifths of the homophiles male parents were absent wholly from the place or exhausted really small clip with their boy.

Sexual penchant is characterized as a affair of larning and forced pick. M.D. Storms survey ( 1980 ) disconfirmed the impression that homosexual work forces are less masculine and/or more feminine than their heterosexual opposite numbers ; sexual penchant was shown to associate to the type and extent of one s titillating phantasy.

Most of the research reported on attitudes and stereotypes toward homosexual Acts of the Apostless and histrions has been collected from heterosexual respondents. These surveies assess planetary cultural beliefs about and frights of homosexual Acts of the Apostless and histrions and are by and large discussed in the context of homophopia. These surveies reflect limited or no experience with homophiles themselves. In fact, persons who report holding a friend or comparative tend to hit in the way of positive attitudes on these graduated tables.

A peculiarly powerful cultural image of out-groups portrays them as menaces to the in-groups most vulnerable members ( for illustration, kids, adult females ) . ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-70 )

Gay work forces are no more likely than heterosexual work forces to molest kids. Why do many people continue to believe this stereotype? Falsely impeaching minority group members of child molestation is non a scheme unique to antigay militants.

Here are three myths about homosexual relationships:

MYTH # 1- Homosexuals Don T want digesting relationships-and can t accomplish them. Surveies of homophiles attitudes about relationships find that most homophiles say they really much want to hold close relationships. In studies of cheery work forces and adult females, between 40 % and 60 % of the work forces questioned were presently involved in a steady relationship.

MYTH # 2- Gay relationships are unhappy, unnatural, dysfunctional, and pervert. A survey of heterosexual college pupils found that they expected homosexual and sapphic relationships to be less hearty, more prone to disagree, and less in love than heterosexual relationships.

MYTH # 3- Husband and Wife functions are cosmopolitan in intimate relationships. Today nevertheless, research shows that most sapphic and cheery work forces actively reject traditional husband-wife functions.

The content of bias against homosexualism is presumptively based on a specific sort of act. The historical procedure of persecution, banishment, and bias extend beyond the act to the histrion. Individual lives are controlled by the condemnable justness system and by societal countenance. Not merely are specific Acts of the Apostless, and behaviours affected, the human self-respect of the histrions is destroyed. ( Nungesser. 1983. Pg-107 ) . Prejudice against homophiles may be characterized by a set of baseless negative beliefs and stereotypes about the homosexual. The beginnings of bias against homophiles have been listed by Weinberg ( 1972 ) . They are: ( 1 ) the Judeo-christian spiritual tabu on homosexualism, ( 2 ) the secret fright of being homosexual, ( 3 ) repressed enviousness of perceived homosexual easiness in life, ( 4 ) the thought that homosexualism is a menace to society and household values, and ( 5 ) the reawakening by homophiles, as individuals without kids, of frights of decease.

Institutional and personal ill will toward tribades and cheery work forces is a fact of life in the United States today. Roughly two-thirds of Americans condemn homosexualism or homosexual behaviour as morally incorrect or a wickedness ( polls by ABC, 8/87 ; Los Angeles Times, 8/87 ; Roper, 9/85 ) ; this form has appeared non to hold changed significantly from the late 1970 s. Harmonizing to Gallup polls ( Colasanto, 1989 ) , merely a plurality of Americans feel that homosexualism should be legal ( 47 % versus 36 % who say it should non be legal ) . Many heterosexual Americans besides reject cheery people at the personal degree. In 1987, a Roper canvass found that 25 % of the respondents to a national study would strongly object to working about people who are cheery, and another 27 % would prefer non to ; merely 45 % wouldn T head. In a 1985 Los Angeles Times canvass, 50 % of respondents reported that they did non experience uncomfortable around homophiles, while 35 % reported uncomfortableness.

Negative attitudes frequently are expressed behaviorally. Of 113 tribades and 287 homosexuals work forces in a national telephone study, 5 % of the work forces and 10 % of the adult females reported holding been physically abused or assaulted in the old twelvemonth. About half ( 47 % ) reported sing some signifier of favoritism ( occupation, lodging, wellness attention, or societal ) at some clip in their life based on their sexual orientation ( Results of canvass, 1989 ) . Other research likewise has found that important Numberss of cheery work forces and adult females have been the mark of verbal maltreatment, favoritism, or physical assault.

The proportion of American grownups surveyed by the Gallup organisation who say that homosexual work forces and adult females should hold equal rights in footings of occupation chances increased from 56 % in 1977 to 59 % in 1982, to 71 % in 1989. Similarly, Roper surveys found that the proportion of Americans holding that homophiles should be guaranteed equal intervention under the jurisprudence in occupations and lodging rose from 60 % in 1977, to 66 % in 1985.

Although they show increasing willingness to widen basic civil autonomies to gay work forces and tribades, most heterosexual Americans continue to reprobate homosexualism morally and to reject or experience uncomfortable about cheery people personally.

Discrimination in employment, lodging, and services, in contrast, often is justified on the footing of beliefs that gay people possess assorted unwanted features, for illustration, that they are mentally sick and unsafe to kids. A chief justification for favoritism and ill will toward cheery people entreaties to spiritual morality. Because homosexualism is condemned by several major faiths, it is argued, Torahs forbiding favoritism would necessitate heterosexual persons to go against their personal moral criterions. Cheery people can be viewed as a spiritual minority group: Although they do non attest a incorporate spiritual political orientation ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-64 )

Cheery people can be viewed besides as members of a political minority. They comparatively recent flourishing of seeable cheery communities is mostly a consequence of political and legal battles against bias and favoritism that have spanned four decennaries. These communities constitute a political force for homosexual concerns. The political minority position of homosexual people was recognized by the California Supreme Court in 1979 ( Gay Law Students Association v. Pacific Telephone and Telegraph, 1979 ) . The tribunal ruled that favoritism against openly cheery persons constitutes illegal favoritism on the footing of political activity.

Empirical research has demonstrated that heterosexual s attitudes toward cheery people are correlated with assorted psychological, societal, and demographic variables. Those with negative attitudes are ( 1 ) more likely to show traditional attitudes about gender functions ; ( 2 ) less likely to describe holding themselves engaged in homosexual behaviours or to self-identify as sapphic or homosexual ; ( 3 ) more likely to comprehend their equals as attesting negative attitudes ; ( 4 ) less likely to hold had personal contact with homophiles ; ( 5 ) probably to be older and less good educated ; ( 6 ) more likely to hold resided in countries where negative attitudes represent the norm ; ( 7 ) more likely to be strongly spiritual. ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-65 )

Like members of other stigmatized groups, cheery people face legion psychological challenges as a consequence of society s ill will toward them. As a consequence of antigay bias, many I

ndividuals feel compelled to conceal their gender. Respondents to the Teichner national study of tribades and cheery work forces, for illustration waited an norm of 4.6 old ages after cognizing they were gay until they came out. Depending on the country of the state, between 23 % and 40 % had non told their households that they were gay ; between 37 % and 59 % had non disclosed their sexual orientation to coworkers ( Results of Poll, 1989 ) .

Once they came out, sapphic and homosexuals hazard rejection by others, favoritism, and even force, all experiences with psychological effects that can digest long after their immediate physical effects have dissipated. Suffering assault or other open victimization can make considerable psychological hurt. Feelingss of personal loss, rejection, humiliation, and depression are common. Behavioral and bodily reactions include sleep perturbations and incubuss, concerns, diarrhoea, unmanageable weeping and restlessness, increased usage of drugs, and impairment in personal relationships. Those who are still coming to footings with their homosexuals individuality may see added psychological hurt, both because they lack a strongly developed homosexual individuality that would increase their psychological resiliency and get bying accomplishments, and because they lack equal societal support from others who can confirm their homosexual individuality.

Although non frequently discussed, antigay bias besides has negative effects for straight persons. Because of the stigma attached to homosexualism, many straight persons restrict their ain behaviour in order to avoid being labelled effeminate. Antigay bias besides interferes with same-sex friendly relationships. Males with strongly antigay attitudes appear to hold less intimate asexual friendly relationships with other work forces.

In Holland, where the Code Napoleon had operated since 1811, the jurisprudence was modified in 1911, by article 248 Bi, proposed by a Roman Catholic Minister of Justice, and carried through Parliament against considerable resistance. It raised the age of consent for homosexual Acts of the Apostless to 21, go forthing that for heterosexual Acts of the Apostless unchanged at 16. The modern Penal Code of Switzerland punishes immoral Acts of the Apostless, whether heterosexual or homosexual, with kids under 16 and 20 merely if committed by individuals of the same sex.

In Germany, with the formation of the Reich in 1871, homosexual Acts of the Apostless between male became an imprisonable discourtesy under the Article 175 of the Penal Code. Article 175 was still in force when Hitler came to power. The Nazi government in fact increased the punishments, stipulating lingua snoging between work forces as punishable under Article 175, and presenting a punishment for homosexual harlotry of up to ten old ages imprisonment. After the war, efforts were made in the Federal Republic of Germany to hold Article 175 declared a misdemeanor of Article 8 of the European Convention of Human Rights, which guarantees the holiness of private life. The effort foundered because the Convention permits some ordinance of household life for the protection of the wellness and ethical motives of the community as a whole. However, in 1967, the jurisprudence was finally repealed and homosexual Acts of the Apostless in private between males over 21 ceased to be a offense.

On January 1, 1962 penalty of grownup homosexualism ceased in Czechoslovakia. Harmonizing to Paragraph 244 ( 1 ) of the Penal Code, anyone over 18 who commits an immoral act with a individual under 18 of the same sex is apt to one to five old ages of imprisonment.

The legal system of Japan is outstanding in that homosexual pattern as such is non a condemnable discourtesy.

Until about 1962, the sexual behavior of most Americans was criminalized. Ninety-five per centum of all American work forces were perpetrating sexual Acts of the Apostless that were considered condemnable. Many provinces in the 1970 s adopted the Model Penal Code, which decriminalized private, grownup, consensual sex regardless of the gender of the spouses. In the 1970 s and 1980 s, other provinces decriminalized most sexual behavior, including same-sex, by action of their highest province tribunals, which founded such Torahs to be unconstitutional under the privateness rights granted by the peculiar province s fundamental law.

In 1968, the Supreme Court in Griswold v. Connecticut found a cardinal right of privateness in the married sexual brotherhood. A reverse occurred in 1975, when a federal three-judge panel upheld the Virginia buggery jurisprudence. In Dow v. Commonwealth s Attorney. The statements were four in figure: ( 1 ) a secular statement grounded in the Judeo-christian spiritual beliefs about same-sex behavior as a wickedness, ( 2 ) a historical statement that since such Torahs had been on the books for a long clip, they were, by their very length of service, valid, ( 3 ) an statement that same sex behavior undermined the American household and that cheery Americans were no part of matrimony, place or household life and ( 4 ) a round statement that since the Virginia legislative assembly had long criminalized such behavior.

In 1985, cheery legal militants seeking to turn over sodomy Torahs believed they had the perfect instance to take the Supreme Court. In Georgia, Michael Hardwick was arrested in his ain sleeping room within a private place while holding sex with another grownup male. The determination of the Supreme Court in 1986 in Bowers v. Hardwick stunned both homosexuals and nongay legal militants. The tribunal in continuing Georgia s right to criminalize grownup, consensual, private sex between two individuals of the same gender, selectively ignored anterior privateness case in point. Opinion polls in the 1980 s showed that most Americans believed all Americans had a cardinal right of privateness for grownup, consensual sex.

The one legal issue that presses on the day-to-day being of about all homosexual citizens is employment favoritism. Gay employees wonder whether, in order to prosecute a calling and a stable support, they must be closeted and live in a changeless fright of being fount out. ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-88 ) . A little figure of metropoliss and counties in the United States have unemployment Torahs that protect employees on the footing of their sexual orientation. However, by far the bulk of these legislative acts apply to public non private employers.

Protecting one s ego from the homophobic actions of employers is still hard, particularly in private employment. However, for both the province and local authorities employees, chances of a harassment free and firing free workplace are much better than 10 old ages ago. A federal measure adding sexual orientation to the list of federally protected classs of Title VII has perennially languished in the House and Senate since its first debut in 1981.

In 1944, as the war was stoping and the demand for limitless manpower no longer existed, the U.S. military instituted formal regulations forbiding cheery work forces and adult females from functioning their state. Some military forces were excluded or removed under these ordinances with dishonourable discharges and frequently rough questions. Most cheery military instances prior to the 1970 s concerned individuals caught in the thick of the out act. In 1976 Leonard Matlovich, a adorned Vietnam war hero and aviator, straight challenged the system by denoting his sexual orientation to the Secretary of the Air Force, his military unit. He was instantly dishonorably discharged.

Gay military forces have invariably challenged the military ordinances in American tribunals. The instance closest to success was Watkins v. United States, in which a three-judged panel of the 9th Circuit held, two to one, that the military ordinances were unconstitutional because homosexuals and tribades constituted a fishy category.

Congressional enquiry has revealed that weeding homosexual forces out of the military costs the American taxpayers $ 23 million a twelvemonth. ( Gonsiorek & A ; Weinrich. 1991. Pg-87 )

In Boutilier v. Immigration and Naturalization Service in 1967, the Supreme Court upheld a prohibition against homosexual and sapphic in-migration because the in-migration jurisprudence forbade the entryway of psychopathologic personalities. Gay work forces and adult females, harmonizing to the Court, fell under that diagnosing. In 1979, the Public Health Service, through the Surgeon General of the United States, announced that public wellness physicians would no longer attest cheery people as psychopathologic personalities because new surveies clearly indicated that a same-gender sexual orientation was non a diagnosable mental unwellness. Following this policy Immigration and Naturalization Service said that without such enfranchisement, homosexual and sapphic in-migration had to be admitted.

In 1990, by the transition of a new federal in-migration jurisprudence that removed the prohibition of homosexual and lesbians in-migration based on sexual orientation, resolved the in-migration issue.

Christian Churches have ever been identified with a conservative, family-based morality unfriendly to sexual tolerance in general and to homosexualism in peculiar. Homosexuality as being a wickedness remains the Orthodox position of all the major Christian religious orders.

Christian authors these yearss are be givening to follow softer and more stylish attitudes towards homophiles, annealing their rejection with looks of concern and understanding.

An remarkably sympathetic position from a Roman Catholic beginning has appeared in a booklet on the pastoral attention of homophiles by Michael Hollings ( 1972 ) . Nowhere does he deny the wickedness of homosexualism. He tries to utilize impersonal linguistic communication, although in making so he knows he may incur the animadversion of clergy of theologists who would prefer to see an straight-out statement on wickedness. He pleads for an apprehension of homophiles, and a acknowledgment of their human demands. He asks the inquiry whether the Church has any advice to offer other than entire abstinence. ( West. 1977. Pg-311 )

In secular jurisprudence there can be no such thing as a matrimony except between a adult male and a adult female. No institutional church in England recognizes or solemnises homosexual matrimonies. In California Troy Perry ( 1972 ) curate of Pentecostal Church, who was dismissed on history of homosexualism, set up a church of his ain where homosexual members would be welcome and where he could observe homosexual matrimonies.

In the early yearss of the motion for societal justness for homophiles the reformists were sword lilies of any support they could win from the established churches. Backing from the Moral Welfare Council of the Church of England helped in the preparation and eventual execution of the Wolfenden decriminalisation proposals. In the United States, the tireless attempts of the Rev. Alfred Gross, executive manager of the G.W. Henry Foundation gave a respectable, spiritual endorsing to pleas for jurisprudence reform and for a better trade for sexual discrepancies.

Homosexuals ceased to show themselves as evildoers, imploring for tolerance and forgiveness from more virtuous Christians. Standing proud, and asseverating their moral right to populate as they please, they resolutely rejected as stupid and outmoded the alleged natural jurisprudence that condemned them.

It may be argued that homophiles didn t exist until about 150 old ages ago. Homosexuality surely did, as our historical study showed, but persons who fell in love with members of their ain sex weren t thought to be a peculiar sort of individual. Often, the gender of one s sexual spouses was less of import than properties like their age and societal position. One the other manus, some societies, such as many in pre-Columbian America, recognized a separate category of individuals whose gender and sexual orientation was different and afforded them a particular position. In times and civilizations in which single behaviour was extremely regulated in respect to group solidarity, such as among the Isrealites, generative gender was the authorization and any other signifier of sexual look forbidden and punished.

The survey of the forces of stigma and dogmatism shows us that unfamiliar to dangerous is a measure easy taken among worlds. Homosexuals in Western society have been identified with others considered unsafe individuals since the late Middle Ages: evildoers, heathens, foreign enemies, the mentally sick, felons.

For several 100s of old ages, the establishments of the bulk considered homosexualism something a individual did and called it buggery, sodomy or a offense against nature. During the 19th century, a displacement occurred, and a few persons began to speak approximately homosexualism as something a individual was.

In the late 20th century, the scientific disciplines of biological science have once more begun to see the phenomenon of homosexualism and to use techniques and develop theories to understand it. In mensurating the size of certain encephalon constructions, public presentation on psychological trials, and the construction of chromosomes, differences are found between homosexual and heterosexual individuals- differences, non abnormalcies.

Homosexuality is a natural, normal gender for some people. Fear of homophiles has been exploited by the misguided in the chase of wealth, power, retaliation, political influence, and cultural control.

It is possible that bias against homophiles will one twenty-four hours be as unacceptable in our society as bias against cultural or spiritual minorities. For a hundred old ages of so, homophiles have struggled against forces that would suppress and oppress them. Some of them were given a pink trigon to have on and were murdered for their protest. Many more now proudly put on a pink trigon and process down Main Street to observe who they are. They march for credence and freedom and name on their household and friends to fall in them.

Plants Cited

1 ) West, D.J.. Homosexuality re-examined. Gopher state: University of Minnesota Press, 1977

2 ) Gonsiorek, John & A ; Weinrich, James. Homosexuality. U.S.A: Sage Publications, 1991

3 ) Nungesser, Lon G. Homosexual Acts, Actors, and Identities. New York: Praegar Publishers,

1983.

4 ) Spencer, Colin. Homosexuality in History. U.S.A: Harcourt Brace & A ; Company,

1995.

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